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    ANTENNA SHARON | minds

    Thursday, September 23, 2004

    So take an action!



    When asked how he became the world's richest man, Bill Gates replied, "First, I was in the right place at the right time. Second, I saw the vision. Third, and most important, I took action."

    # ANTENNA SHARON | 6:55:00 pm |

    US to sell Israel bunker-buster bombs

    The US plans to sell Israel $139 million ($A200 million) worth of air-launched bombs, including 500 "bunker busters" able to penetrate Iran's underground nuclear facilities, Israeli security sources said yesterday.

    The newspaper Haaretz quoted a Pentagon report as saying the procurement sought "to maintain Israel's qualitative advantage and advance US strategic and tactical interests". The US embassy in Israel had no comment, referring queries to Washington. Israel's Defence Ministry also declined to comment.

    But an Israeli security source who confirmed the story said: "This is not the sort of ordnance needed for the Palestinian front. Bunker busters could serve Israel against Iran, or possibly Syria."

    Haaretz quoted Israeli sources as saying the sale, including 4500 other guided munitions, was not expected to go through until after the US elections in November.

    Earlier this month Haaretz said Israel sought to obtain the US-made, one-tonne "bunker- buster" bombs for a possible strike against arch-foe Iran's nuclear program, which Israel considers a strategic threat.

    Tehran denies hostile designs, saying its nuclear program is for peaceful purposes.

    AS: "bunker-buster bombs" for destroying Osama Bin Laden bunker in Afganistan - mastermind of global Jihad towards Zionist proxy. Iran just get prepared.

    # ANTENNA SHARON | 6:12:00 pm |

    Wednesday, September 22, 2004

    The Sabra and Shatila Massacres (16-18 September 1982)


    Bodies lie at Sabra and Shatila Palestinian refugee camp in Beirut in this 1982 file photo. Israel hailed a Belgian court decision June 26, 2002 to throw out a war crimes lawsuit against Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon, but Palestinians said it gave the Israeli Prime Minister the green light for his current military policies. REUTERS/Ali Jarekji


    On 11 September 1982, Israeli Defence Minister Ariel Sharon, the architect of the Israeli invasion of Lebanon, announced that "2,000 terrorists" had remained inside the Palestinian refugee camps around Beirut. On Wednesday 15 September, the day after the assassination of Israeli-allied Phalangist militia leader and Lebanese President-elect Bashir Gemayel, the Israeli army occupied West Beirut, "encircling and sealing" the camps of Sabra and Shatila, which were inhabited by Lebanese and Palestinian civilians.

    By mid-day on 15 September 1982, the refugee camps were entirely surrounded by Israeli tanks and soldiers, who installed checkpoints at strategic locations and crossroads around the camps in order to monitor the entry or exit of any person. During the late afternoon and evening of that day, the camps were shelled. Around mid-day on Thursday 16 September 1982, a unit of approximately 150 Israeli-allied Phalangists entered the first camp. For the next 40 hours members of the Phalangist militia raped, killed, and injured a large number of unarmed civilians, mostly children, women and elderly people inside the encircled and sealed camps. The estimate of victims varies between 700 (the official Israeli figure) to 3,500.

    Electronic Intifada

    # ANTENNA SHARON | 6:50:00 pm |

    Monday, September 20, 2004

    Kavkaz.org Based in the USA

    Even those who know nothing about web sites have probably heard about the kavkaz.org site. In short, this is the official web site of Chechen separatists, a stronghold of terrorism on the Internet.

    In the light of the universal struggle with terrorism, it is quite natural to suppose that all civilized people in the world would want the terrorist site to be closed. However, it still exists. And this happens at the time when the police in the USA and Great Britain track visitors of the kiddie porno sites down and put them in jail. Specialists can identify the home address of these people using the IP-address only.

    A simple Internet investigation allows one to determine the domain host, the IP-addresses of the server supporting the site, and the name and address of the provider where the server is located. This takes just several minutes.

    Here are the results our programmers obtained.

    The information given below is specific enough for those who understand computers.


    whois kavkaz.org
    Domain Name: KAVKAZ.ORG
    Registrar: NETWORK SOLUTIONS, INC.
    Whois Server: whois.networksolutions.com
    Referral URL:
    Name Server: ATRIVO.BASSINTER.COM
    Name Server: ATRIVO2.BASSINTER.COM
    Updated Date: 23-feb-2002
    Registrant:
    Udug, Movladi (KAVKAZ14-DOM)
    10 Bird Lane
    Orlando, FL 32860
    US
    Domain Name: KAVKAZ.ORG
    Administrative Contact, Technical Contact:
    Udug, Movladi (ZWWPQJQEGI) salatag@hotmail.com
    Udug,Movladi
    10 Bird Lane
    Orlando, FL 32860
    US
    +1-9745572730 123 123 1234

    The address and telephone number of the domain host are also available. However, more interesting things are the following.

    The server address on the Internet is 66.28.38.232

    whois -a 66.28.38.232

    OrgName: Cogent Communications
    OrgID: COGC
    NetRange: 66.28.0.0 - 66.28.255.255
    CIDR: 66.28.0.0/16
    NetName: COGENT-NB-0000
    TechHandle: ZC108-ARIN
    TechName: Cogent Communications
    TechPhone: +1-877-875-4311
    TechEmail: noc@cogentco.com

    What is the company Cogent Communications, and where is it located?

    whois -a COGC

    OrgName: Cogent Communications
    OrgID: COGC
    Address: 1015 31st Street, NW Washington DC 20007
    Country: US


    Our investigation revealed that an American company with the legal address in the US capital provides the service for terrorists.

    It would take five minutes to close the server down. However, despite numerous requests from Internet users and Russian state structures asking for the server to be closed, nothing is done.

    From now on, before taking the USA-s statements on its struggle against terrorism into consideration, remember please who breaks the laws on international terrorism and provides hosting for this terrorist site.

    According to the latest information, the Internet site kavkaz.org doesn't exist any more.

    Translated by Maria Gousseva

    Read the original in Russian: http://accidents.pravda.ru/accidents/2002/10/35/285/1819_kavkaz.html

    Related links:

  • PRAVDA.Ru Sergei Borisov: Terrorism Battle on the Internet
  • The Independent (UK) : FBI claims al-Qaida could create disasters via the internet
  • NewsBytes : State Dept. Employs Internet In Anti-Terrorism Effort
  • ABCNews.com : Military Secrets Posted on Internet
  • Computerworld : FBI to investigate Internets role in terrorist attacks

    # ANTENNA SHARON | 3:17:00 pm |

    Thursday, September 16, 2004

    Forgotten Massacre: Sept 16, 1982 - Sabra and Shatila Holocoust

    Before sunset on Thursday, 16 September 1982, Maronite Christian forces, covered by units of the "Israeli" invasion army, stormed the camps of Sabra and Shatila in Beirut. The massacre continued for approximately 36 hours. During the operation, the "Israeli" army surrounded the camps, preventing anyone from entering or leaving. In addition, the "Israeli" soldiers provided the militia with logistic support, including the setting off incandescent bombs at night to facilitate the militia's mission.

    Information about the massacre began to leak out after a number of children and women fled to the Gaza hospital in the Shatila camp, and informed the doctors of what was happening. Likewise, news of the massacre reached some foreign journalists on Friday morning, 17 September 1982, but the bloodletting went on until Saturday noon, September 18. 3297 Palestinian civilians were killed in the massacre.

    The massacre was carried out under the supervisions of Ariel Sharon, then the Defense minister and the architect of the invasion. But the "Israeli" military court that investigated the massacre shamelessly claimed, "that the General's commands were misunderstood", and ridiculously fined him an equivalent of 14 American cents!

    Umm Ghazi Younes Madhi, one of the survivors of the massacre, said: "they stormed the camp at 5:30 on September 16. We didn't hear any gunfire at first, since they were killing people with axes and knives. They would bury the people alive with bulldozers. We ran away barefooted with bullets on our heels. They slaughtered my husband and three of my children in the massacre. They killed my husband in the bedroom with one of the children. I saw them slaughtering a pregnant woman with her husband. My niece came out of the house and they grabbed her and slaughtered her in the street. They did the same thing to her small son, who was in her arms."

    Munir Ahmad al-Doukhi, who at the time was 13 years old, survived three attempts on his life. He says, "I had been placed under the responsibility of armed men wearing filthy clothes, and who didn't speak Arabic well. With me was a group of women and children who had been dragged out of their houses. They fired on the women and children, and I was injured in my right foot. My mother was wounded in her shoulder and in her leg. When they asked the wounded to stand up so that they could take them to the hospital, I pretended to be dead. Then they fired on them all over again. So that's how I survived the second attempt to kill me. But my mother had already died. And on the morning of the next day, they shot at me when they found out that I was still alive. They wounded me and thought I was dead, so they left me alone."

    Sumaya Qasim Bashir says, "My husband and my son were killed in the massacre. The most horrible sight I saw was the sight of our neighbor, Hajja Munira Amru. First they slaughtered her four-month-old nursing child before her eyes, then they slaughtered her."

    An American nurse by the name of Jill Drew tells of an eyewitness who said that they tied up the children, and then slaughtered them like sheeps in the Sabra and Shatila camps. They would line people up in the sports stadium, then form firing squads to shoot them dead.

    Ali Khalil Afana, who was 12 years old at the time, says, "It was 11:30. We heard the sound of a big explosion. It was followed by a woman's voice, then all of a sudden they broke into our house. They came rushing to us like wolves, searching the rooms. My mother screamed for help, and they rained her with bullets. My father reached out his hand in search of something to defend himself with. But their bullets were too fast for him. I didn't have enough strength to scream, since they'd fallen on me with knives. I don't know what happened after that. But I found myself in the hospital the way you see me now: with my head and my legs all wrapped up. A classmate of mine who was visiting his mother in the hospital told me that our house was nothing but a pile of rubble. My aunt came to visit me yesterday, so I asked her what had happened to my three brothers. But she didn’t answer me! They’re all dead. I know it." And with that, hot tears rolled down his little cheeks.

    A woman from Sabra camp tells her story by saying "I, my husband, and my baby, were about to sleep on 15 September at night, after we'd finished straightening up the things that had been destroyed by the bombing. At that time we were feeling reassured because the Lebanese - or so we thought - were surrounding the camp. But the horrors were approaching, because [not long after this] scores of soldiers and fighters came in shooting and blowing up the houses. We went out to see what was going on, and when we saw what we saw, we tried to run away. But they stopped us. They pushed my husband, my father and my brother toward a wall and stood them up with their backs to it. Then they made them raise their hands and showered them with a torrent of bullets, and they fell down dead. When my mother and I screamed, they pulled us by the hair toward a deep hole that had been caused by a missile. But just then they received orders to move somewhere else, so they left without firing on us. Then we fled."

    Another woman speaks of how they came into her house when a neighbor boy was visiting her. They fell upon him with an axe and split his head in two. She says, "When I screamed, they tied me up with a rope that they had with them. Then they threw me onto the floor and three of them took turns raping me. By the time they left I was unconscious, and when I finally woke up, I was in a civil defense ambulance."

    Some militiamen would crush Palestinians to death under the wheels of their military vehicles. And at the same time they would make the sign of the cross over bodies of the victims. A Danish television cameraman by the name of Pederson filmed a number of army trucks filled with women, children and elderly people, headed toward some unknown destination.

    People in Sabra and Shatila were killed indiscriminately, and a large number of women were raped. There were many people who raised white flags as a sign of surrender, especially children and women. However, they were among the first victims of the massacre. Among them were more than fifty women who went to surrender, but were all killed.

    The attack on the cAkka (Acre) hospital took place on Friday morning at 11:30. It involved the murder of doctors and patients. A Palestinian nurse by the name of Intisar Isma'il (19 years old), whose disfigured corpse was found later, was raped ten times, then killed. The attackers killed many sick and wounded, as well as some of the hospital workers and local residents who had come to the hospital for refuge. Then they forced forty patients to get into trucks. They were not seen again. During the massacre, the terrorists killed physicians Ali Uthman and Samiya al-Khatib inside the hospital. And they emptied their cartridges into the head of a fourteen-year-old wounded boy named Muwaffaq Ascad as he lay in bed.

    Bulldozers set about digging mass graves in broad daylight in south Shatila with the help of the "Israelis".

    Roberto Soro, a Beirut correspondent for the American magazine Time, relates what he saw after entering the camps as follows "There was nothing but piles of debris and corpses. The bodies were piled on top of one another, including children, women and men. Some of them had been shot in the head, and some of them had had their heads cut off. Some of them had their hands tied behind them, and some of them had their hands tied to their legs. Parts of some heads had flown off in different directions, and there was the body of a woman holding her child to her bosom; both of them had been killed by the same bullet. The bodies had been removed from one place to another with "Israeli" bulldozers. One woman stood over a maimed corpse screaming, "My husband! Oh Lord, who will help me now? And all of my children have been killed! My husband, they've slaughtered him! What will I do? Oh Lord, Oh Lord!"

    A report submitted by a correspondent of the Washington Post, recorded what he saw as follows: "Entire houses had been destroyed by bulldozers, turned into piles of bodies atop more bodies as if they were so many dolls. And over the corpses, the holes which appeared in the walls of the houses indicated that they had been shot to death. On a short dead-end street we came across two girls, one of them about 11 years old and the other only a few months!!! They were both lying on the ground with their legs tied up, and there was a small hole in each one's head. A few steps away from them, on the wall of a house bearing the numbers 422 and 424, they had fired on eight men. Every street, no matter how small, had its story to tell. On one street there were sixteen corpses piled on top of each other in peculiar positions, and nearby there lay a 40-year-old woman with a bullet between her breasts. Near a small shop an elderly man about 70 years old had fallen, with his hand still extended in a gesture as if to plead for mercy. His dust-covered head looked toward a woman now beneath the rubble."

    Husayn Racd, 46, states, "the terrorists beheaded people with cleavers, and while they were at it they hurled curses and insults at their victims. They were slaughtering women and children right and left." And he adds, "The residents started running away in the direction of the multinational forces. But they didn't protect them, especially in the Hamra area."

    Mahmoud Hashim, a 15-years old witness of the massacre relates, "It was a Friday night and I was sleeping with some friends of mine in the camp. At about 11:00 we heard gunfire, but we didn't think anything of it. So we slept through till the next morning, but we woke up to find nothing in the camp but dogs and cats. We went out to see what was going on, and when we came near the Galilee School, we found a pile of corpses.

    The fruit vendor where my family lives after our house in the Sabra and Shatila camp was destroyed by "Israeli" shelling at the beginning of the invasion. It was there that I first heard about the massacre." Then he continued to say, "I met up with a British journalist who asked me to go with him to the camp entrance on Saturday morning, 17 September 1982 so that he could record the events of the massacre with his camera. I agreed to go with him. When we got to the western end of the camp, we were surprised to find a pile of corpses near the al-Doukhi shop. The shop owner had been beaten on the head with an ax, and beside him there was a young man. All the rest were elderly people. We kept on going until we reached the Haraj crossroads, where the journalist saw nine corpses under a truck. Some of them had their hands tied, and bullets had penetrated the surface of a nearby wall. The scene indicated that they had been subjected to a mass execution. About ten meters from this appalling sight, we found an elderly woman holding a Lebanese identity card. It appeared that she had been trying to convince her killers that she was Lebanese and not Palestinian. And twenty meters further on, we found a number of horses that had been killed, among them the corpse of a man with his head cut off. It turned out later to be my uncle, Abdul Hadi Hashim, 49. After we'd gone a little farther we came upon six cadavers that had been tied together with chains. The heads of two of them looked as though they had been hollowed out, as if they had been beaten with axes. We were so at a loss and overcome with horror, we decided to go back the way we'd come. By this time the British journalist had taken scores of photos of these scenes. Meanwhile we heard a sound nearby. The journalist became distraught and hurried to get us out of the camp on the motorcycle we'd come in on. As we were leaving sprays of bullets were fired at us, which made him drive all the faster."

    Recalling memories from inside the camp, the eyewitness goes on saying, "We saw cadavers piled up in a corner to our right, only fifty yards from the entrance to the Shatila camp. There were more than twelve bodies of young men whose feet and hands had been tied around each other, and they were still in the throes of death. Every one of them had received a bullet near his temple that had gone through his brain. On the right side of the necks of some of them there were bright red and black scars. I saw a little girl no more than three years old who had been thrown into the road as though she were some doll someone had thrown away. Her white dress was spattered with mud, blood and dirt, and a bullet had blown away the back of her head.

    "When the armed men stormed the camp, families had gone to sleep and were in their bedrooms. I saw bodies lying on the floors or piled under chairs. And it appeared that many women had been raped, since their clothes were found strewn on the ground. I saw a mother holding her little boy, both of them with bullets through their heads, naked women whose hands had been bound behind their backs, a suckling child with a shattered head and floating " a suckling child, and they lined them up carefully in a circle, placing the head in the middle. At Sabra and Shatila the prevailing impression is that the killers deliberately aimed to kill children in particular."

    After the terrorists had withdrawn, survivors wandered frantically about in search of relatives whose bodies were now somewhere among the piles of cadavers or buried beneath the rubble. Of course, they were still living the nightmare of the massacre they had just been through.

    Three thousand two hundred ninety-seven (3,297) men, women and children (out of a total of 20,000 residents in the camps at the beginning of the massacre) were killed within forty hours, between September 16-18, 1982. Among the dead bodies, 136 Lebanese were found; 1,800 victims were killed in the streets and alleys of the camp, while 1,097 were killed in the Gaza Hospital and 400 others in the cAkka Hospital.

    Commenting on the massacre in the "Israeli" Knesset, Menachem Begin described the Palestinian resistance fighters as "animals that walk on two legs". And after the announcement of the news of the massacre, an officer of the Lebanese Maronite Kata'ib forces maintained: "the swords and rifles of the Christians will stalk the Palestinians wherever they go. And ultimately, we'll do away with them."

    Another Kata'ibi officer told an American journalist, "We've waited long years to be able to storm the camps of West Beirut. The "Israelis" chose us because we're better than they are at this sort of 'house to house' operation." And when the journalist asked him if they had taken prisoners, he replied, "These operations aren't the kind in which prisoners are taken."

    Radio London reported via one of its correspondents that while the killings were going on, "Israeli" soldiers surrounded the camps with tanks, shooting anything that moved.

    AS: "They" tried to make us forget this by "creating" Sept 11... what a bloody September right.

    # ANTENNA SHARON | 5:59:00 pm |

    Wednesday, September 15, 2004

    World Zionist Organization (WZO)

    Introducing WZO: World Zionist organization is the international body that represented the Zionists, and took upon its shoulders achieving their goals. The organization was found by Theodore Herzl, an Austrian Jewish Journalist, who organized the Foundation Congress, the First Zionist Congress, in Basle, Switzerland in the year 1897, that declared the establishment of WZO. WZO was not the first Zionist body, but it was the most sophisticated, well-organized and most capable one that had succeeded, by the end of the day, to unite all the Zionist efforts under its flagship. Hibbat Zion (Lovers of Zion) was established before WZO, and pioneered the settlement activity in Palestine, but it was unable to become a pan-Jewish movement, Herzl had indeed, done nothing more than capitalizing on the efforts and ideas of this body, though in a much organized manner. Soon after the establishment of the WZO, all the branches of Hibbat Zion became members in the new larger organization.

    WZO opened its doors for individuals and institutions, every Jewish individual who paid the Shekel (the name they gave for their membership fee) was eligible of membership, and of the right to be represented in the Zionist Congress. Each 100 members were represented by one envoy to this Congress that convened annually to take all the important decisions, including electing the organization’s president. Later on, with the growth of membership, the representation rules changed from one envoy for each 400 to one for each 2000, or one for 1000 of those living inside Palestine. Currently the membership is opened only to organizations and institutions, and no longer for individuals.

    The Congress used to convene in centers of Jewish demographic concentration, in major cities like Basle, Hamburg, London, Vienna, Zurich, Geneva, and finally in Jerusalem. The mode of communication initially was German, the language of most Jewish leaders, of whom very few spoke Hebrew, then an almost extinct language. The Congress convened every year, then every two years and finally every four years. Currently the Zionist Congress convenes only in Jerusalem once every four years, and the mode of communication is Modern Hebrew.

    The first Zionist Congress, that declared the establishment of WZO, had also established the “Colonial Jewish Trust”, mainly from membership fees, contributions and donations, to provide funds for the Zionist colonial activities. Later, other financial bodies were established until a very complex system of interconnected large funds was established for the WZO.

    The history of WZO is composed of two important phases. The first was before the establishment of the Zionist state “Israel” when it acted as a virtual government of the Jewish people worldwide. After the formation of the Zionist State, many Zionists, had, however, believed that the WZO fulfilled its mission and should be dissolved. But others maintained that while the “Israeli” government represents the Jews in Palestine, the WZO should continue to play the role of the representative of the Jews worldwide, and as such back up the efforts of the “Israeli” government. For some of its history, WZO was tied to another entity, the Jewish Agency, which was almost synonymous to WZO for most of the time. Most prominent figures of the WZO were Theodore Herzl, the founder, Chaim Weizman who reconciled political Zionism with Pragmatic Zionism in a trend known as Synthetic Zionism, and David Ben Gurion, the declared founder of “Israel”.

    Structure of WZO: As we have seen, membership of the WZO, previously opened to individuals, is currently limited to organizations. Each organization should have at least 20,000 members to become a qualified member represented in the Zionist Congress, where seats are divided as follows: 38% for Zionist Organizations inside “Israel”, mainly “Israeli” political parties; 29% for the American Zionist Organization AZO, and the rest, 33%, for Zionist organizations around the world.


    The Main administrative bodies of the WZO are:
    1.The Zionist Congress: is the supreme authority of the organization. It was established in 1897 and initially convened annually, but later once every two years and now once every four years. Its permanent headquarter is in Jerusalem (Al Quds). The Congress had enacted the constitution of WZO, and is now the only qualified body to amend it. Members of the Congress are elected based on certain quota arrangement. Currently, every member organization chooses its representatives according to its own procedure. Until today, the Zionist Congress convened 32 times, 22 of them were in various European cities and, and the remaining 10, since the establishment of “Israel” in 1948, in Jerusalem (Al Quds). During difficult times, especially during the first and second World Wars, the congress was unable to convene regularly, but important decisions were still taken by whoever of the Zionist leaders that can be physically present. The two most important of those was the 1920 Conference of London that shifted the strategic attention of the Zionists from the Ottomans and Germany to Britain, and brought Chaim Wiezman to the Presidency of the organization, and that of Biltmore in 1942, which decided to have the U.S.A. as the new major ally. Baltimore conference had also succeeded in achieving reconciliation within the Zionist body itself, giving a strong momentum to the WZO.

    2.The Zionist General Council: It carries on all the duties of the Congress when it is not in session, including important decisions and the supervision of their implementation. The Zionist General Council convenes at least once a year and is headed by a Presidium that convenes every 4-6 weeks. The General Council played a key role in times of war, and was the body that organized the Zionist Conferences.

    3.The Zionist Executive Committee: It represented the Congress and the General Council, and formed the executive authority of the WZO. Before the establishment of “Israel”, this body acted as the government of the Jewish people around the world, and its members constituted the 1948 first “Israeli” cabinet. The Executive Committee was composed of 5 members during the time of Herzl, but progressively increased to 7, 15, 19, 26, and was finally standardized to 14 members in the year 1968.

    Besides those bodies, the WZO elects a president, who used to be very influential during the early years of the WZO but his powers gradually eroded. Indeed, due to internal conflicts between the competing member organizations, no president was elected since the year 1968; and his duties are carried out by the Chief Executive of the Jewish Agency. (See the rest of the discussion on the Jewish Agency). The organization has a judicial body that decides on conflicts between its members and bodies as dictated by the constitution.

    Fund arms of WZO: Since its establishment, WZO has seriously sought to have a strong economic base that was crucial for the realization of the Zionist dream. For this to be achieved, the following funds were established:

    1.The Jewish Colonial Trust: It was the first and main fund established by WZO in 1897. Its revenue, mainly derived from membership fees and contributions, reached at that time a capital of 2,000,000 British pounds. Subsequently it was converted into a corporation that sold its shares to interested Jews. A branch of the corporation was established in Palestine, under the name of “Anglo-Palestinian Bank”. At the beginning, Herzl and his political Zionists viewed the fund as a tool of economic influence to secure international recognition, especially by paying the debts of the ailing Ottoman government. After the establishment of “Israel”, the trust has, however, been turned into the “Central Bank of Israel”.

    2.The Jewish National Fund: It was established by WZO in 1901 to provide the necessary money for buying lands in Palestine. Its main source was charity paid by Zionists and Jews around the world. Lands purchased by this Fund were given the status of “public Jewish Property”, i.e. owned by the Jewish people around the world. These lands were registered under the name of the Fund, but should never be sold or forsaken. After the establishment of “Israel”, all the confiscated Arab properties were registered under this fund, and the allocation of land became a responsibility of the “Israeli” government, who, in turn, allocated 90% of the land to Jews and Jewish projects. Most of the lands owned by the Fund were confiscated lands. Since its establishment in 1901, and until the foundation of “Israel” in 1948, the Fund managed to buy 936 km2 only, about 3.46% of the land of Palestine, that was, however, bought from rich Lebanese and Syrian landlords and very few Palestinian families. Zionists never succeeded in peaceful acquisition of lands owned by Palestinians, all what they got from them was through operations of ethnic cleansing at the time of the 1948 war.

    3.Palestine Foundation Fund: It is the most important and efficient fund arm of the WZO. It was established in London in the year 1920 to provide funds for activities and operations that aimed at the realization of the Jewish homeland in Palestine promised in the Balfour Declaration to establish a Jewish Home in Palestine, and for the construction of cities and settlements to absorb the incoming Jewish influx. This fund played an important role to establish Jewish institutions and workshops in the fields of industry, agriculture, culture, and social welfare, as well as facilitating migration. The Foundation Fund paid all the cost of transferring the Jews of Germany after WWII, provided most of the cost of the 1948 war, and funded the immigration of Jews from the Arab countries, Ethiopia, Russia, and the rest of the world, to “Israel”. It operates in 47 countries around the world, besides its branches in “Israel” and in the. U.S. The latter known as “The United Call of Israel”, actively cooperates with other American Jewish funds such as the “United Jewish Call”.

    Trends inside WZO: Basically, the Zionist schools, discussed in the section on Zionism and Judaism, form the main trends inside the WZO, with the same names and titles recorded there: The labor or Mapai, the Revisionists or Hirot, now known as Likud, and the Religious school known as the Mizrahi. Besides these three important trends, there is the Confederation of United Zionists which maintains Herzl’s line of policy. It appeared as a response to the above political trends within Zionism, and propagates that the Zionists should stand united. Thus they do not recognize the above political organizations inside the Zionist body, and conceives itself as the main trend inside the WZO. Its arms include the “Development Projects Fund”, established in 1946, and the Women Zionist Organization of America, known as Hadassa. After the establishment of “Israel” they supported the aforementioned policy of interfering in the “Israeli” affairs on the grounds that “Israel” is the legitimate child of the Zionist Organization.

    Brief History of WZO: In the early years after its establishment, WZO sought to establish itself as a pan-Jewish organization, and complimented the efforts of the Zionist pioneers, in an efficient manner. During its first years, the organization was headed by the political Zionists who strove, above all, to rally international support for any of its proposed settlement projects: Cyprus, Libya, northeastern Sinai, Uganda, and eastern Saudi Arabia at a later stage. Aside from Palestine, the project of Uganda was the most seriously entertained. Herzl, who got this offer of Uganda from the British government, threw his weight to its endorsement as better than nothing and as a first step. Herzl, however, died a year later, in 1904, and the project was ruled out on the advice of a special committee that reported the unsuitability of Uganda for Jewish settlement.

    After Herzl, Political Zionism became less influential, and the Zionists strove to achieve their dream through active settlement in Palestine. This trend, known as Practical Zionism, established the Jewish National Fund and dedicated all its effort to settle in Palestine only. Its power and prestige increased within the Zionist Congress and, consequently, the drive for Jewish settlement in Palestine accelerated. Meanwhile, “Synthetic Zionism”, that was worked out by Chaim Wiezman to reconcile Practical Zionism with Political Zionism, emerged and became increasingly popular. It advocated that neither international recognition, nor the settlement activity should be the sole means for achieving the Zionist dream, rather, the Zionists should simultaneously intensify settlement to attract the attention of the world, and take concrete steps to secure international recognition. Synthetic Zionism had thus become the most prominent trend within WZO, and dominated it until the establishment of “Israel” in 1948.

    When World War I erupted, the WZO was caught in a very critical situation, as it was, in essence, a pan-Jewish organization that had many branches spread across Europe. Its headquarters was in Berlin, while an important portion of its activity was conducted by its branch in London. Before World War I, many Zionists considered Germany as their main ally because it was supposedly as the only power that could persuade the Ottomans to accept the establishment of a Jewish Home in Palestine. At the same time, a minority of British Zionists, led by Chaim Wiezman, maintained that it was in the interest of their project to strategically ally with Britain, and they tried to lead the WZO into this position. The war deepened the rift between these two conflicting parties, but the Balfour Declaration was a decisive development in favor of the pro-British Zionists. Soon after the war, the headquarters of the WZO was moved to Britain and Chaim Wiezman was elected for the presidency.

    The Balfour declaration stipulated that the British government would like to deal with a body that represent all Jews, which it called “The Jewish Agency”. To shape their organization up to the British demands, the Zionists established this Agency, and included non-Zionist Jews in it. However, the WZO controlled the Agency, and the executive committee and the presidency of both bodies were manned by the same people. Once the need for the Agency ended, the two bodies almost merged.

    Britain gave full support to the project. However, under the pressure of the Palestinian Revolution of 1936-39, the British government issued the White Paper of 1939 that limited Jewish immigration and acquisition of land, and promised the Arabs to establish a Palestinian State after 10 years. The Zionists opposed this line of policy politically, and, sometimes, military. But they felt it wise to postpone their confrontation with Britain and fought beside it during WWII.

    Again the War left the WZO in a difficult condition. However, its leadership met in Biltmore, U.S., and decided to shift their focus to the U.S. who, soon after the war, asserted political pressure on Britain to revoke the White Paper of 1939. And so was the case. The U.S. gave the Zionists huge financial aid and exerted enormous political pressure on member states of the U.N to pass resolution 181 that gave Jews the right to a state in Palestine. (See more on the White Paper and U.N. resolutions in the section of Peace Settlements).

    The 1948 war erupted and a Zionist State, named “Israel”, was established. This was the most decisive event in the history of Zionism, and for many Zionists, WZO was no more needed.

    Zionists were divided between two views. The first, led by the Zionists of Palestine under the Prime Minister of the new state, David Ben Gurion maintained that the main task of WZO was to create a Zionist State, and once this has been achieved, the new state should replace WZO in representing the interests of all the Jews around the world. They argued that the ultimate goal of all sincere Zionists should be migration to the newly-born “Israel”, and that a new body was then needed to facilitate this migration of all Jews, even those of the U.S. and the West. They looked down upon their opponents, and did not see in them true Zionists.

    The Second opinion was championed by the above-mentioned Confederation of United Zionists, who argued that “Israel” was the legitimate child of WZO, and should thus remain subordinate to its patron. They did not see the establishment of “Israel” as the end of the way, and considered WZO to have a much more important task to do, namely to preserve the identity of the Jews around the world, and prevent their assimilation into local societies, which threatened the very existence of the “Jewish Nation”. Jews of the World still needed a body to represent them, which should not, anyhow, be a regional government like “Israel”, but an international organization like the WZO. Indeed, “Israel”, in their view, could not sustain itself without the support of the Jews of the world, whose existence around the world, especially in the West, was vital for the survival of “Israel” in that ocean of Arab and Muslim animosity around it.

    Further, they did not regard the Jews of the Free World to be in the Diaspora, and thus need not to migrate to “Israel”. Being free from discrimination and oppression, they are entitled to voluntarily migrate to the land they like. This, coupled with many other trends, was, indeed, contrary to the Zionist myth of the eternal Jewish affection to the Promised Land. If this argument holds water, then why don’t the Jews of the West, who form more than half of the Jewish population of the world, migrate to “Israel”? Why is it that most Jews who migrated to “Israel” were compelled to do so under some political and economic constraints in the countries in which they lived (such as Poland, Germany after the war, Ethiopia and the USSR after the fall of communism)? They, in fact, had no other choice except to migrate. Indeed, of the 2,367,000 Jews who migrated from Russia after the 1880s aggressive anti-Semitic campaign, only 55,000 (2.32% only) went to Palestine and the rest headed to the U.S. and Western Europe.

    In conclusion, the Zionists of Palestine, under Ben Gurion, emerged winners form this conflict. While not dissolving the WZO, they moved its headquarters to Jerusalem and made it subject to “Israeli” law. By then WZO has merely become an “Israeli” tool for rallying political support, especially through influencing the decision makers of the countries where Jews lived, to the Zionist State, and by supporting it financially and technically to absorb new immigrants.

    # ANTENNA SHARON | 7:40:00 pm |

    The myth of Gandhi and Palestinian reality


    On October 14, 2003, over 100 Birzeit University students and faculty members held a makeshift class at the checkpoint on the Ramallah-Birzeit Road which remained closed by Israeli troops for the 7th consecutive day. Students, frustrated at their inability to reach the University, and at the loss of yet another day of classes, came together carrying placards with statements such as Yes to Education, No to Occupation and Open Minds: Open the Way to Education. The students sat on the ground to listen to a 45 minute lecture given by Dr. Abdalkarim Abukhashan, a professor in the Arabic Language Department at the University. (Dan Richards/FoBZU)



    The recent visit of Mohandas K. Gandhi's grandson, Arun Gandhi, to Palestine has sparked new discussion about the role of nonviolence in the Palestinian struggle for freedom. In a speech before the Palestinian Legislative Council, Gandhi called upon 50,000 Palestinian refugees to march back home en masse from their exile in Jordan, forcing the Israelis to choose between relenting to a wave of people power, or gunning the marchers down in cold blood.

    In an editorial, the English-language Jordan Times gently endorsed the idea, arguing: "Perhaps it's time for the world to accept that the refugees need to have a say in their own fate. Perhaps it's time for them to make their voices heard. Perhaps they should march." However, the newspaper also warned that such tactics could lead to "losses to the Kingdom," and recalled Israel's harsh military retaliation against Jordan and Lebanon when the Palestinian Liberation Organization used those countries as bases.

    While one can admire Mohandas Gandhi's nonviolent principles, one can hardly point to the Indian experience as a demonstration of their usefulness in overthrowing a colonial regime. Indeed, Gandhi's concepts of satyagraha, or soul power, and ahimsa, or nonviolent struggle, played an important role during the Indian independence struggle, however the anti-colonial period in India was also marked by extreme violence, both between the British and Indians and between different Indian communal groups. Anti-colonial Indians committed a wide variety of terrorist acts; the British government was responsible for numerous massacres and other atrocities; and communal violence before, during and after independence claimed the lives of millions of people. One simply cannot argue that Indian independence was achieved in a nonviolent context.

    Nevertheless, the fact that the Palestinian leadership has never seriously sought to use mass, organized nonviolence is yet another example of its monumental lack of creativity. Imagine, for example, if the Palestinian president, Yasser Arafat, instead of abjectly and unsuccessfully begging his Israeli captors to allow him to attend the Christmas services at Bethlehem's Church of the Nativity last year, had simply announced he would walk there without their permission, and invited all the people of Ramallah, international figures, clergymen, and the world's press, to walk with him? What if Palestinian ministers slept in and defended with their bodies the houses and farms of their people, slated for demolition or seizure by Israel?

    We had a tantalizing glimpse of the potential power of such action on the bittersweet day the late minister Faisal Husseini was buried in June 2001, when hundreds of thousands of Palestinians flooded into occupied Jerusalem, and Israel was powerless to stop them. For those brief hours the people made Jerusalem free and whole.

    The call for nonviolent resistance by Palestinians has also been taken up in Israel, although more disingenuously. Yoel Esteron, a columnist and former managing editor at Ha'aretz, lauded Arun Gandhi in a recent column, and wondered, "what would have happened if four years ago the Palestinians had chosen passive resistance?" Esteron lectured the Palestinians: "It is worth it to them to choose Gandhi's way. And it is worth it to us. If the Palestinians stop committing suicide on our buses, this will be a more effective weapon than explosive belts ... Ostensibly, the key rests in the hands of the stronger side. Wrong. If Israel were to lay down its weapons, it would be forced to pick them up again after a few murderous terror attacks ... The key is in the Palestinians' hands."

    While apparently embracing Arun Gandhi's call for nonviolent actions, Esteron would not actually want Palestinians to act on Gandhi's suggestion that refugees return home in force. Esteron has argued forcefully that the refugees must give up their right of return. Nor is it necessary to wonder, as Esteron does, what would have happened had the Palestinians opted to engage in nonviolent resistance. From 1987 to 1993, during the first intifada, they did exactly that. And despite it all, their mass protests and strikes were met with brutal repression. Israel did not have bus bombings to use as an excuse for its retaliation, since the first bus attack occurred in 1994.

    While the first uprising that began in 1987 shifted international public opinion toward the Palestinians, it did not result in gains on the ground. According to the Israeli human rights group B'Tselem, from the beginning of the first intifada in 1987 until the signing of the Oslo Accords in September 1993, Palestinians killed a total of 100 Israeli civilians, half of them inside the Occupied Territories. During the same period, Israeli occupation forces and settlers killed more than 1,160 Palestinian civilians. The Israeli answer to what was then a largely peaceful mass uprising was what is commonly referred to in Israel as "the appropriate and Zionist response" - the violent confiscation of more land and the building of ever more settlements.

    The present conflict preserves this gross imbalance, where the victims of violence are overwhelmingly Palestinian, but at far higher levels of violence all around. The conflict is also increasingly characterized by nonviolence, even if this remains invisible to most Israelis and to the world's media. For Palestinians, circumventing barriers and checkpoints in order to get to school, to work, or simply to visit family or worship, is a daily act of resistance. The recent hunger strike by thousands of Palestinian prisoners and their families was another example that was largely ignored internationally. The wire services carried dozens of photographs of silent vigils and protests by prisoners' families, but few of those made it into newspapers.

    On 30 August, China's Xinhua news agency reported the death of 55-year-old Aisha al-Zaban. She had been on hunger strike for 12 days in solidarity with her imprisoned son and his comrades. Doctors had advised her to end her fast, but she refused and died of a heart attack. I was unable to find her name in any of the dozens of American newspapers that routinely echo the calls for Palestinians to follow the way of Gandhi.

    It is important to distinguish between those like Arun Gandhi and the Palestinians with whom he is in dialogue, who are genuinely seeking new and creative ways to energize the freedom struggle; and those like Esteron, whose calls for nonviolence are simply another bankrupt exercise in shifting the blame from the occupier to the occupied, while still posing as advocates for peace.

    # ANTENNA SHARON | 7:25:00 pm |

    Thursday, September 09, 2004

    MORE PICTURES ON BESLAN SCHOOL SEIGE

















    AS: See the face who perished, less hope for real meaning of peace...

    # ANTENNA SHARON | 11:24:00 am |

    Wednesday, September 08, 2004

    Russian nationalists do not believe Putin's propaganda

    This is what kind of doubts about the official version of the events in Beslan, North Ossetia, they expressed on the website of the Slavic Union:

    «The storm did take place, and it was planned; it is evident to anybody whose brains have not yet turned sour under the influence of the well-known substance or under the slow speeches of mister president. And this is actually what the authorities are saying indirectly too. Listen to the mass media – nothing but discrepancies between what one bureaucrat says after another. ORT TV says that the second blast was when Spetznaz (special forces) blew up a wall for the hostages to get out. NTV says that the second blast was when the gunmen detonated a bomb to kill the people. ORT again (some FSB agent) says: 3 terrorists were captured and in the morning they took part in identification of the bodies of other terrorists who were killed. NTV (Deputy Prosecutor General Fridinsky) says: there were 26 terrorists, all of them were eliminated, so far no one has been captured (yeah, right! -- and it’s followed by Putin’s order to block all borders) :)).

    The version about an 'accidental blast' is laughable, and its 'confirmations' are even more laughable: about 5 testimonies of former hostages, when EACH ONE OF THEM is saying a totally different thing compared to what other ones were saying (one says: a bomb fell from a basketball backboard; another one says: a female suicide bomber blew herself up; the third one says: the gunmen were messing with a tripwire mine and it went off, etc.).

    The version about an «argument among the gunmen» about whether to leave or to stay is a total idiocy and I’m not going to comment on it. The only thing I can say is that blowing up bombs 'right near you' is a good way to express a disagreement :).

    There are a few reasons why the version about an intentional blast inside the school is swept aside as well. First, why the hell would the gunmen need to blow up hostages at that moment? One o’clock in the afternoon is a very wrong time for breaking out of the surrounded perimeter, it’s even hard to imagine anything worse than that. Second, after the school compound was stormed, sappers and a couple of top FSB (KGB) officers were hanging around the TV cameras and expressing their surprise at the scale and the quality of how the school was mined. At the same time they were claiming that all explosives were connected with multi-channel wires, which allowed setting off all bombs from many locations inside the school. So why didn’t the gunmen set them off, since they decided to kill the hostages? And here is even more interesting question: how did they manage to detonate just one bomb without detonating the rest of them? And finally, in a confined space the rest of the explosives would have probably gone off by themselves from the shockwave.

    So, it must have been a pinpoint blast from the outside, which can be confirmed by the way the building was damaged. In order to bring down the roof from the inside, the gunmen would have had to fasten several kilograms of explosives right under it and set them up along one of the walls (judging by the damages done to the roof). Why would they bother doing it in the first place, while they could just kill most of the hostages by using handmade explosive devices set up in the gym (while effect of collapsed roof would be doubtful in this case)?

    The blast that did take place would have had to make one of the gym’s walls collapse if the explosive devices were set up correctly (and if they were more powerful). Why would the gunmen even need something like that? But most likely, this is exactly what Spetznaz (special forces) wanted to do, so that some of the hostages could leave the building before a presumed detonation of explosive devices by the terrorists.

    The second blast was from the outside as well, but that time it was in the lower part of the same side wall. It can be confirmed by the fact that the hostages, who were right at the wall at that moment, were not harmed (and afterwards they were one of the first ones to get out of the building).

    Most likely, that blast was either an addition to the first one (i.e. the mission was to make the wall collapse, but for some reason both blasts were not synchronized and did not occur simultaneously), or it was made in order to let the hostages escape through the windows that were blocked by the gunmen (which is what happened).

    Russian Emergencies Ministry was used solely for the purpose of diverting the attention of the gunmen (the storming unit had the reasons to assume that most of the militants would concentrate near the school entrance to control the emergency units). However, some of the militants still remained at their positions and on the second floor and opened fire on the Spetznaz units, who attempted to break into the building right after the windows were unblocked. And by the way, the big question still remains: who killed more hostages in the middle of that turmoil – gunmen, special forces, or armed locals, who started shooting at the 'gunmen' running out of the gym?

    Sure, the government does not want to claim responsibility for the deaths among the hostages; this is why the government made up a script about «forced offensive to defend hostages» (exactly the way it happened during the Moscow theater siege).

    KAVKAZ Center

    # ANTENNA SHARON | 1:33:00 pm |

    Video shows first hours of school siege


    A hostage filmed by captors in the Beslan school. (NTV)



    Russia's NTV television aired a tape it said was made by the Beslan hostage takers showing what seemed to be the first hours of the three day school crisis that ended in the deaths of more than 335 civilians and 31 hostage takers.

    The 87 second tape showed hundreds of people sitting on the floor side by side while masked gunmen wired the gym with explosives.

    NTV television did not explain how it received the footage.

    There were pools of blood coming from the crowds of people and a streak of blood running across the centre of the gym as if a bleeding body had been dragged along the floor.

    Wires ran across the centre of the floor of the gym and also between the two basketball hoops on opposite sides of the gym.

    The gym hoops were stuffed with bombs on both sides and several other explosives were hanging on the wire.

    The footage showed one masked man placing his foot over a book on the ground that apparently held a detonator. Nearby lay a rocket propelled grenade launcher.

    Several of the gunmen, their heads covered in camouflaged masks and wearing black t-shirts and pants, relaxed on a couch while the others were wiring the building.

    "Do not bring in the children here yet," one man was heard yelling in accented Russian as another continued to connect the wires.

    Several hundred people appeared to be sitting quietly on the ground. Some had already taken off their tops and others were fanning themselves with books.

    The tape also showed a female suicide bomber completely draped in black. They held pistols and wore suicide belts.

    One shot showed a wall that appeared to be splattered in blood and another from the window showed a neighbouring building on fire.

    AFP

    Related Videos
    Video taken from inside the Beslan siege.
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    # ANTENNA SHARON | 10:48:00 am |

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